By Xavier Márquez
Marquez exhibits how this deadlock is the main to knowing the ambiguous reevaluation of the rule of thumb of legislations that's the such a lot impressive characteristic of the political philosophy of the Statesman. The legislation appears to be like the following as a trifling approximation of the services of the necessarily absent statesman, dim photographs and static snapshots of the transparent and dynamic services required to guide the send of kingdom around the storms of the political global. but such legislation, even if they don't seem to be created through actual statesmen, can usually give you the urban with a constrained type of cognitive capital that permits it to maintain itself in the end, as long as electorate, and particularly leaders, maintain a “philosophical” angle in the direction of them. it is just whilst rulers recognize that they don't know higher than the legislation what's simply or strong (and but need to know what's simply and stable) that town might be preserved. The discussion is therefore, in a feeling, the vindication of the philosopher-king within the absence of actual political knowledge.
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Extra info for A stranger's knowledge : statesmanship, philosophy, & law in Plato's Statesman
45 Yet in the last decade or two the scholarly consensus over this approach has vanished. Scholars are perhaps more divided than ever over whether the dialogues should be taken to be expositions of Platonic doctrine, whether Platonic characters should be taken to express Plato’s views or how seriously to take the dramatic elements of the dialogues. 46 I will not rehearse here all of the arguments concerning the proper way of interpreting the dialogues, which have been well explored elsewhere. I only stress that it seems obvious to me that the dramatic elements of the Platonic dialogues are of genuine importance for our understanding of the arguments in them, or else Plato 43 44 45 46 See Annas (1992), Tarrant (2000a), Tarrant (2000b), and Sedley (2002).
Weaving I show how the more bizarre features of this division are in fact tightly integrated into the overall view of statesmanship that the Stranger develops. The argument, briefly, is this. Weaving is a paradigm of statesmanship: it reflects its formal structure to a significant degree. But weaving is not only a paradigm of statesmanship; the discussion of weaving is also a paradigm of the discussion of statesmanship. The discussion of weaving, like the discussion of statesmanship, proceeds in two parts, interrupted by a methodological interlude: one part that identifies weaving as the art that is concerned with woolen cloaks, that is, the art that produces an artifact that protects human beings from the harshness of winter, and another part that articulates the relationships between weaving so conceived and all the other arts that contribute to the production of cloaks.
Third, he claims that the philosopher-king is somebody whose education makes him reluctant to rule, and unlikely to have the kinds of “political skills” we normally associate with politicians, whereas the statesman is somebody whose raison d’être is to rule, and whose expertise is described as a kind of infallible capacity for making political decisions. Even though the philosopher-king of the Republic is not necessarily bereft of experience of practical affairs, this experience is not itself characterized as a kind of knowledge, and the need for such experience is at any rate minimized, as Schofield also notes, by the abolition of politics in the ideal city of the Republic through the radical restructuring of social relations.