By Sanford F. Schram
By way of focusing squarely at the cultural dimensions of social welfare coverage, Sanford Schram brilliantly illuminates fresh turns in coverage and politics. Nor does he moderate the cloth for the symbolic. particularly he exhibits the shut connections among the cultural and fabric points of coverage. such a lot welcome of all, Schram's paintings is imbued with an extraordinary empathetic situation for the folk who're either the beneficiaries and sufferers of social welfare. --Frances Fox Piven, Graduate heart of the town collage of recent York
''If you will want a flesh-and-blood tale of the true agendas that lie in the back of policy-making within the age of difficult love, After Welfare is the simplest booklet at the subject. Schram's incisive divulge makes for striking universal sense.'' --Andrew Ross, ny college
''This engagingly written booklet lays naked the ''dirty little secrets'' of a brand new order of social coverage, one who shorelines up inequality by way of tapping into cultural reserves of race and gender prejudice whereas publicly offering a impartial face. Its strength derives from Schram's eloquence, his sharp wit, and his expertise for persuading the reader to scrutinize social coverage throughout the lens of social theory.'' --Lisa Disch, collage of Minnesota
''Sanford Schram's After Welfare is an exemplary mix of political concept, cultural critique, utilized coverage research and astute and accomplished mapping of the modern politics of welfare. it's going to have interaction a large readership in either academia and the coverage community.'' --Michael J. Shapiro, collage of Hawai'i
Do modern welfare guidelines mirror the realities of the economic system and the desires of these wanting public advice, or are they in response to superseded and idealized notions of labor and kinfolk existence? Are we're relocating from a ''war on poverty'' to a ''war opposed to the poor?'' during this critique of yank social welfare coverage, Sanford F. Schram explores the cultural anxieties over the putatively deteriorating ''American paintings ethic,'' and the category, race, sexual and gender biases on the root of present coverage and debates.
Schram is going past studying the present situation to provide a innovative substitute he calls ''radical incrementalism,'' wherein activists might recreate a social protection internet adapted to the explicit lifestyles situations of these in desire. His provocative innovations contain a sequence of courses aimed toward transcending the present pernicious contrast among ''social insurance'' and ''public assistance'' in order to greater tackle the desires of unmarried moms with young children. Such courses may comprise ''divorce insurance'' or perhaps a few type of ''pregnancy insurance'' for ladies with out technique of fiscal help. by means of pushing for such courses, Schram argues, activists can make nice strides in the direction of attaining social justice, even in contemporary reactionary weather.
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Extra info for After Welfare: The Culture of Postindustrial Social Policy
In fact, states did not have to provide cash assistance any more if they chose not to. Instead the money could be used to fund shelters, soup kitchens, and other forms of in kind assistance or services. Significantly, the law also required states to meet work quotas that mandated that by 1997 25 percent of the single mothers receiving aid be working twenty hours a week, and that by 2002 50 percent of them be working thirty hours a week. Recipients could not receive federally funded TANF assistance for more than two years unless they were participating in “work-related activities,” and they could not receive assistance for more than five years in a lifetime.
The prospect is for a long struggle to restore the self-reliance assumed in Western politics. Only if order is restored in cities, and especially if work levels rise, could the poor become more self-respecting. Only then could they stake claims on the collectivity as equals, rather than seeking charity as dependents. 37 Mead understands that the political economy of citizenship is culturally constituted. To be a citizen is not to assume some disembodied position in the political order, or to be a universal subject evaluated according to neutral standards of justice.
If working with “blacks” does not decrease your job prospects then that is acceptable, but if blacks move into your neighborhood your investment goes down and that is Where the Welfare Queen Resides | 43 not. But as an institutionalized practice to signal economic danger, race is institutionalized racism. Used as a marker, race continues to systematically disadvantage blacks. As long as African-Americans are treated differently— even if not on account of their biology or culture—the conditions for their subordination are re-created.